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Sapienza finanziaria forex news

Опубликовано в The best forex news | Октябрь 2, 2012

sapienza finanziaria forex news

NEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS] The International Sociological Association: Newsletter N o B R Ü F X, J. W. 'Vereinte Nationen und Menschenrechte' (The United. TI Media shares lack a trading market in the United States. In , he joined IFI – Instituto Finanziaria Industriale S.p.A., where he filled several. Blake Lebaron: current contact information and listing of economic research of this author provided by RePEc/IDEAS. FOREX DOLLAR TO MANAT EXCHANGE RATE Learn how also links install the where there fell to almost 80 the в of the. Red border of policies. March 29, Take some window with.

These two cases show h o w necessary it is to broaden our terms of comparison and to extend the series of variations, on fundamental problems. W h y do certain societies seek new forms of organization while others, in the same circumstances, do not?

W h a t are the personal characteristics which, in one case, lead to conservatism often purely formal and of no practical significance and, in another, to a readiness to accept innovations? These questions open up the whole problem of a differential study of reactions to change. Referring to the results of recent surveys conducted in India, Professor Mukerji also noted that the development of a wage-earning class e. H e mentioned that such a change seems to be linked up with two groups of factors: the proximity of urban centres and the closeness of contacts with those centres ; and the influence wielded by Christian missions, which m a y weaken and reduce the sway of the traditional religion.

The weakening of the caste system and its conversion into a class system is accentuated by the operation of such factors which, as it were, accelerate the effects directly due to technological and economic changes. This consideration of the degree of aptitude for change leads on to the problem of the part played by w o m e n as an impediment to the adaptation of the native worker.

Professor Doucy, referring to observations carried out in the Belgian Congo, dwelt on the conservative influence of w o m e n —the 'clan pressure' is exercised through them—and their responsibility for the degree of instability shown by African workers. Lebeuf agreed with these observations and quoted other examples drawn from central Africa. Professor Friedmann cited facts which he had had occasion to note when carrying out an inquiry in North Africa; he found that the native worker is in a transitional state, 'hesitating' between the traditional environment from which he comes and the modern environment found in and around the business undertaking.

Such workers are therefore extremely 'sensitive' to any influences operating in either direction. T h e influence of the w o m e n in the family group is still very considerable and M r. Friedmann did not think that the progress of industrialization would become easier until a change had been brought about in the w o m e n ' s attitude. Professor Herskovits reverted to the cross-cultural approach, characteristic of all anthropological study.

H e pointed out that, in certain societies, w o m e n display genuine dynamism and assert their personality more than m e n. Professor Klineberg took the same view, adopting the idea of differential receptivity, and uttering a warning against the temptation to generalize with widely differing situations. H e observed that w o m e n m a y be more receptive with regard to certain socio-cultural changes and less so with regard to others, and that similar differences were to be found between varying age groups or occupational categories.

In this problem of receptivity, w e thus had variables requiring systematic investigation. Following up these general remarks, Professor Hoselitz suggested that problems of basic importance should be approached indirectly, from the standpoint of commitment to the industrial w a y of life, this concept being one that could give relative unity to the research in question. In order to observe the 'mechanisms' characteristic of this commitment, and the ensuing reactions, it would be well to take into account important variations depending on whether the commitment was total or partial.

Professor Firth was also concerned with these concepts and advocated defining them more precisely, by reason of their very complexity. T h e expression 'commitment ' could be considered from the psychological angle —the individual's desire, for various reasons, to take part in the industrial sector—and from the socio-economic angle ; the evolution of industrialization forcing individuals, sometimes against their will, to follow the n e w w a y of life.

As for the expression 'industrial w a y of life', Professor Firth m a d e it clear that a distinction should be drawn between at least four types of situation: work in an industrial environment, which raises the problem of adaptation to machinery and to industrial discipline; production intended for the 'industrial market', though with no commitment to the industrial way of life; consumption of manufactured goods, again with no commitment to the industrial w a y of life; impact of industry as a dominant economic factor, although certain social groups m a y escape its direct influence.

N o single term could cover all these various possibilities. This was conceded by Professor Hoselitz, w h o however m a d e it clear that the expression frequently employed referred to the first of these possibilities; it implied the technical relationship between m a n and the machine and the accomplishment of one portion of a task, and also pointed to a definite state of dependency on the level of social relationships.

Professor Herskovits drew a further distinction by asking that cases where industrial activity had been imposed should be clearly distinguished from cases where this was an entirely spontaneous development, a definite desire for progress. However, the dividing line was never quite so sharp, and criteria for evaluation seemed difficult to define; this distinction appeared to be drawn indirectly, on the basis of the degree of adjustment to the demands of the industrial environment, and the strength of the reaction against that environment.

Professor Mukerji directed his criticism along these lines, suggesting a severe scrutiny of terminology and a precise definition of the meaning of the ever-growing list of technical expressions employed. T h e problem of adaptation to the specific conditions of any industrial concern immediately raises the question of accustoming employees to rhythms of work and also the question of the discipline these rhythms require.

Professor Friedmann stressed these different aspects and showed h o w they might help to define the scope of research. T h e development of the industrialization process in a traditional environment or in contact with such an environment implies the introduction of n e w rhythms of life ; it brings to light a transitional phenomenon calling for psychological and physiological examination. Certain features of labour in underdeveloped countries—turnover, absenteeism, occasional low production, etc.

Similarly, the enterprise concerned should be organized in such a w a y as to facilitate transition, prepare m e n to accept work of a different rhythm from that to which they are accustomed, and to establish teams of individuals all working at the same rate, etc. Hence the importance of studying industrial psycho-sociology from the very start of the industrialization movement. These studies should be specially concerned with the very controversial question of output in an underdeveloped country.

But to what extent were the shortcomings in question to be regarded as the result of physiological conditions, poor adaptation and lack of education, or of certain forms of social relationships? Braunthal suggested an answer to this question by recommending that the relationship between low salaries and low production should be examined, as well as the reactions spontaneous or organized against pro- ductivity drives which engender fear of industrial unemployment—as is already happening in certain regions of South-east Asia.

H e also emphasized that the existence of a colour bar within and outside the enterprise concerned, and even in certain trade unions, could greatly affect the strength and the form of economic motivations. Moreover, these motivations are undoubtedly linked with the opportunities enjoyed by native workers to organize themselves in occupational groups. This fact was emphasized by M r. Braunthal, w h o drew attention to the importance of trade unionism during the 'modernization' of traditional societies and to the special characteristics of trade unionism in underdeveloped countries.

In such countries the movement, like most of the changes affecting society and culture as a whole, bore the characteristic features of a transitional phenomenon. In this connexion, Professor G. Balandier drew attention to the difficulties encountered by the first trade union organizations introduced into the French Congo after These difficulties arose from the following: distrust of a method of organization completely alien to the country and associated, to some extent, with the whole European system of control; a concept of efficiency calling for short-term results; and growth of a large number of small trade unions each with its separate interests.

Moreover, where native workers are concerned, internal causes as well as outside influences often militate against the development of effective trade unionism. Study of these problems of adaptation to the industrial environment should not, however, cause us to exaggerate the difficulties noted or to consider progress impossible; it should not lead to any kind of conservatism which, moreover, would run counter to the present desire for progress on the part of most traditional societies.

T h e orientation of comparative research towards the best adjusted occupational groups, as advocated by Professor Gourou, would help to provide the necessary corrective to any such tendency. H e then considered the results obtained in relation to the aims set by the members of the round table. O n e implication of the subject under consideration was the possibility of a n e w balance of motivations, and of a reorientation to meet the needs of economic development.

It further raised the question of the time factor, in that the results of short-term observation were liable to be very different from those of long-term observation. T h e absence of historians and the lack of data m a d e it impossible to give adequate consideration to that aspect of the problem, but its true importance was realized and awaited the attention of future research workers.

Although the concept of economic motivation was not analysed from the strictly theoretical standpoint, it nevertheless formed the background of all discussions and was approached in connexion with the broader phenomena and situations considered. Moreover, it was discussed from the particular angle of each branch of study represented. A co-ordinated approach of this kind, by collating very different systems of reference, brought out the need for comprehensive study and served as a warning against the shortcomings of any one-sided investigation.

Several of the members repeatedly emphasized that motivations cannot be discerned separately, but only as part of a whole set of factors whose aspect varies according to circumstances. This illustrated the necessity for inter-disciplinary investigations. Inventory of Completed and Current Research Projects Professor Firth dwelt on the importance of the examples discussed during working meetings and their value for purposes of comparison.

T o meet the wishes of all members , a short bibliography is to be drawn up to serve as a guide to the material used. Orientation of Further Research The meeting felt the need for additional research outside the actual topic of discussion, in order to obtain a clearer general view of the problems under consideration. A list of research projects was drawn up by Professor Firth chairman and Professor Balandier rapporteur. It covered three types of problem: study of motivations and their characteristics; study of processes; and study of groups vocational and co-operative, etc.

It should lead to a consideration of the problems arising from industrial development and the modernization of economy, and should be the first step in the gradual elaboration of a general theory of social change.

H e defined the task ahead as 'clarification of our modes of thought' and offered suggestions for a theoretical approach to the problems discussed during the working meetings. T o begin with, he pointed out that research was all too often organized as if the problem of socio-economic change 'were suddenly appearing on the historical scene'.

However, the so-called underdeveloped societies had had technical and economic contacts with each other long before the expansion of Western civilization. W h y were they so deeply affected by the changes n o w taking place? T o answer this question, there must be taken into con- sideration : a the change of scale factor involved in 'modernization' processes within traditional societies. H e emphasized that industrialized societies exert a remote influence before forcing their w a y into any traditional society, and m a y thus have a destructive effect jeopardizing any possibilities of latter adaptation.

Apart from the oft-quoted case of conflicting incentives, consideration must be given to cases in which this negative influence affects old types of incentives before the 'introduction' of n e w types ; a vacuum is then created, which makes any subsequent readjustment more difficult. In conclusion, M r. All changes were not possible to the same degree, however receptive a society might be. Study of 'natural partners', selected in accordance with the techniques peculiar to the groups thus brought into contact, might enable a revealing investigation to be carried out along the lines of the differential research frequently referred to during the discussion.

Lastly, M r. During each of the working meetings, special attention was given to theoretical considerations, which were also linked with the suggestions for research m a d e by all members of the round table. Collaboration between specialists in the various branches of social science, approaching the same question from the angle of their respective techniques, raises a difficult problem of adjustment. T h e terminology and specific capacity for elaborating concepts, peculiar to each discipline, no less than its equally individual study methods, did not lend themselves to immediate co-operation.

This question was raised by D r. Ombredane w h o enquired h o w the social sciences could continue practical co-operation on a c o m m o n research theme? Professor Doucy nevertheless stressed the illustrative value of the first results obtained and said that the round table had given him the idea of organizing a seminar at the Solvay Institute of Sociology in Brussels.

It was not only through this problem of adjustment that attention was directed to questions of methodology. T h e cases referred to by all members of the round table showed the quality and quantity of the results achieved by a wide variety of investigations covering most parts of the world.

But at the same time it revealed the lag between the present state of scientifically assembled documentary material and the present possibilities for the elaboration of theories. A n effort to achieve critical assessment and harmoniza- tion is necessary not only for the purpose of inter-disciplinary collaboration, but also within each discipline. This m a y be expected to bring about real progress in research. O u r concern for efficiency, however, should not cause us to overlook the fact that where the application of the sciences is concerned, it never pays to go too fast.

W h e n a total society is under consideration, this becomes a problem in the study of the psychology of culture, or psycho- ethnography. O u r key concepts, in terms of this approach, are motivation and cultural pattern. Situations involving changes in the economic and technological structure are but phases of the broader problem of cultural re-adaptation, to be analysed by the investigation of any questions lying in the field of acculturation.

T h e relevance of our basic concepts has become apparent to students of industrial psychology, even though they have worked exclusively in Euro- American society. Stagner, for example, in discussing the causes of industrial disturbances, puts the case in this w a y : 'The problem of industrial conflict is the problem of what people want and the methods by which they try to get it.

Though the approach here is culture-bound, his phrasing can readily be translated into psycho-ethnographic terms. T h e fact that people 'want' things, in the first statement, the element of'self-assertion', in the second, lie on the psychological level of motivation. That the problem of motivation, in such cases, 'must be analysed in terms of specific h u m a n beings', and that 'it cannot be analysed effectively in terms of industry and labour as collective groups', reduces the question to the least c o m m o n denominator of the individual, whose reactions, as w e shall see, m a y not be neglected if w e are to strike to the fundamentals of any problem where the dynamics of culture are involved.

T h e position of Polanyi, w h o holds that 'the outstanding discovery of recent historical and anthropological research is that man ' s economy, as a rule, is submerged in his social relationships', indicates h o w students concerned with general principles of economics are setting their findings in a broader matrix. Polanyi's statement, because of its relevance for the present discussion, m a y be quoted further: ' H e does not act so as to safeguard his individual interest in the possession of material goods, he acts so as to safeguard his social standing, his social claims, his social assets.

H e values material goods only in so far as they serve this end. Neither the process of production nor that of distribution is linked to specific economic interests attached to the possession of goods, but every single step in that process is geared to a number of social interests which eventually ensure that the required step be taken.

These interests will be very different in a small hunting or fishing community from those in a vast despotic 1 Ross Stagner, 'Psychological Aspects of Industrial Conflict', reprinted in Readings in Industrial and Business Psychology by H. Karn and B. Ill, p. His investigation, he finds, 'does not lead to a conclusion that would deny central relevance to the established values and institutional structures of divergent social systems.

O n the contrary, it has documented their relevance in considerable detail'. O n the other hand, 'Despite all that m a y be said about incompatibilities between non-industrial societies and the industrial w a y of life, the modern industrial system has a rather overwhelming record of penetration into and even conversion of these societies'. T h e economic evalua- tion of rewards in 'newly developing areas', in all cases, must take into account that 'wages are always to be viewed relatively to a alternative means of support ; b alternative systems of social valuations ; and c alternative or correlative rewards within the industrial system itself.

T h e present paper will develop a theoretical structure for the study of economic motivation and incentive under conditions of technological change that was suggested in earlier discussion of a number of aspects of the subject as it pertains to sub-Saharan Africa. These had to do first with the rhythm of work; then with the manner in which the available supply of labour can be mobilized so that a newly industrialized economy can function; and finally with the 'motivations for labour, the factor of incentives', which more particularly concern us here.

T h e psycho-ethnographic approach of this earlier study is exemplified in the following statement where the point is m a d e that developmental projects in Africa 'must build on ways that make sense to the people involved in them if incentives to active participation are to result in the effective attainment of stated ends'. T h e basic problem was further stated in terms of the need 'to consider h o w what is brought to a people is integrated into their ways of living, as against the manner in which their established patterns of behaviour are adapted to the requirements of a new economic and technological system.

Here w e are confronted with the question of the meaning of a w a y of life for those w h o live in accordance with it. This, in turn, can be understood only in the light of the findings of that phase of psycho-ethnography that has to do with the mechanisms of learning and conditioning which shape the characteristic motor habits, reaction patterns and accepted modes of thinking of a people.

O n the basis of this theoretical structure, some suggestions for research, with particular reference to the African area field, can then be essayed. M a n y attempts have been m a d e to define it, these authors citing more than one hundred and fifty definitions, a figure that is doubled if the statements as to its nature and functioning, which can be regarded as extended definitions, are included.

There is general agreement," however, that culture is the learned, m a n - m a d e part of the environment, derived from the unique ability of h u m a n beings to employ language and to use tools. Language is at the base of the cumulative character that differentiates h u m a n learning and cultural behaviour from the responses of the infra-human forms that are circumscribed by inherent behaviour norms; the use of tools has enabled m a n to range more widely and to exploit the resources of his habitat more effectively than any other creature.

The totality of h u m a n culture, however, has as m a n y manifestations as there are peoples; indeed, when w e take individual variation into account, as there are h u m a n beings. Each of these group manifestations has its o w n characteristic modes of behaviour, which is what w e m e a n when w e speak of a culture. W e are concerned with these latter modes when , as at present, w e consider the effects of contact between groups having differing ways of life. In this sense, an understanding of the culture of a group entails comprehension of its material equipment and social institutions, together with those under- lying sanctions, expressed in systems of values, that guide the conduct of its members.

W h e n w e treat of culture as a whole, w e stress the unities in the behaviour of h u m a n beings ; in studying a single culture, w e discover the things that differentiate the behaviour of a given group from that of others. O n a more sophisticated level, the study of the unities in culture has given rise to the concept of the universal aspects of institutionalized behaviour, while the study of the differences between cultures has enabled us to plot the range of variation in the differing ways h u m a n groups achieve similar ends.

There is general agreement as to what these c o m m o n ends are—the exploita- tion of the resources provided by the habitat, and the distribution and con- sumption of what is produced; the regularization of social life to provide for the care of the young, see to it that they are properly trained, and assure equable relations between the members of the group and its protection from hostile forces that m a y threaten it; some modes of adjustment to the universe, however this m a y be conceived; means of providing aesthetic satisfactions; a language; a system of values which renders the cultural forms meaningful and welds them into a functioning whole.

W h a t is not agreed upon is the reason for these universal aspects of culture, a point of no minor importance for a cross-cultural theory of economic motivation. It will be apparent that these aspects sort themselves out into two classes, those that represent efforts to comply with the demands set by the biological nature of m a n , and those that have a derived, psychological character. T h e problem under consideration here, in terms of the psycho-ethnographic approach, has facets that fall into both categories.

N o cultural forms more clearly fulfil biological needs than those which constitute the economic and technological phases of culture. T o what extent the effectiveness of a particular 1 A. XLVII, no. This is to be seen in the cases where, in situations of cultural change, a people have proved reluc- tant to accept a technological device, or an economic mechanism, or a more favourable diet, that will provide them a richer store of goods, or more adequate subsistence than their established ways could ever yield.

It is apparent that while w e must recognize the role culture plays in satis- fying needs, w e must not disregard the fact that it is the sanctions of a culture that stabilize the particular manifestation of the w a y in which a given need is satisfied. Because of this, w e must look to the force these sanctions exert if w e are to understand the devotion of a people to its pre-established modes of solving a given problem. O n what other ground, for example, can w e explain w h y so m a n y agricultural peoples in the world have rejected the plough?

Since m a n is one of the social animals, it follows that culture is a social phenomenon. Phrased somewhat differently, this means that there is no such thing as a culture which is restricted to a single individual. As has been indi- cated, individual behaviour varies, but it varies within the limits set by the institutions and sanctions of the society to which individuals belong. Problems lying in the field of culture must therefore be studied in terms of their social setting, which at once brings to the fore the m u c h discussed point of the relationship between the concepts of society and culture.

Reduced to their fundamental components, the positions that lay stress on either concept would seem essentially to involve differing emphases, each having its o w n historical derivation. That is, students whose principal point of orientation is the concept society m a y be thought of as following the path set by such scholars as Spencer and Durkheim; those w h o organize their investigations in terms of culture as holding to an approach expressed in the work of K l e m m and Tylor.

Depending on the problem under study and the methods employed in studying it, however, either concept would seem to be fruitful, and both, in actuality, do enter to a greater extent than is ordinarily realized into studies having either orientation. O n e can hold, that is, to the position that cultural behaviour can best be understood if studied in its social framework; or emphasis can rest on the total body of traditions, the social institutions of a people in this case repre- senting a special aspect of their entire body of custom, their culture.

However, it is as unrealistic to attempt to understand social organization without setting it in the cultural totality of which it forms a part as it is to study any aspect of a culture in disregard of the structure of social institutions in which it functions. F r o m this point of view, if a society is defined as any interacting aggregate of individual organisms, then in the case of an interacting aggregate of h u m a n individuals, the totality of their accepted modes of behaviour is their culture.

T h e very fact that culture is defined as learned behaviour makes an under- standing of cultural learning essential. This process, called enculturation, m a y be thought of as cultural conditioning, so pervasive that for the most part it takes on a quality of painless psychological absorption of the forms of behaviour prevailing in the group into which the infant is born.

Encultura- tion begins at birth, and continues throughout life. B y the time early childhood has been reached, m u c h of the individual's behaviour has been taken entirely out of the area of conscious response, and has become automatic. At first glance, such a statement m a y seem overdrawn, but only a slight consideration of the facts is necessary to dispel the illusion that conscious thought predominates in guiding behaviour. Thus, for example, it is rare that reactions to any aspect of linguistic structure rise above the level of consciousness, any more than does the phonemic system employed in pronouncing the words of one's language.

T h e same is true of the meaning of these words. This frees the individual to give conscious thought to what he is going to say, and makes it unnecessary for him to pay attention to the mechanisms of speech he must use in saying it. This statement also applies to music, to systems of etiquette, to moral codes, to canons of value, to aesthetic responses.

These, it should be noted, are cultural elements in which conscious thought enters least. W h e n it is realized that the same principle holds, to some degree, whenever an individual reacts to any cul- turally derived stimulus that does not involve the element of choice between alternatives, it becomes clear to what extent the h u m a n being lives on the plane of automatic behaviour, and thus h o w effectively he is enculturated. Cultural responses, moreover, tend to represent reactions to total situations than to stimuli arising from fragmented elements of experience.

This is a way of phrasing the fact that every m o d e of life is patterned and not haphazard ; that the individual units of custom, the cultural traits, so-called, that can be discerned in a culture by the student of it, are in actuality interwoven into a series of interrelated groupings called cultural patterns.

This patterning of culture, the outer expression of its regularity in organization and functioning, is the means by which a particular culture develops those special configura- tions that permit us to differentiate it from other cultures. In psychological terms, cultural patterns are to be regarded as consensuses of the individual behaviour patterns of the members of a given group, that distinguish their characteristic reactions from those of the members of other groups.

O n the level of the objective analysis of culture, cultural patterns are to be thought of as providing the institutional framework for behaviour, as w h e n w e speak of the pattern of marriage of a people, or their patterns of production or dis- tribution, or their patterns of religious worship. Besides conditioning the individual to the modes of behaviour of his group, the enculturative experience creates for him a 'behaviour world' to guide his perceptions no less than his overt acts.

T i m e and space and distance, colour and rhythm, are thus culturally defined for h im; the continuum of nature is structured in terms of the conventions set up by his culture. T h e gamut of the musical scale offers another telling example of h o w the infinite physical progression of wavelengths is similarly divided into socially acceptable intervals, or the division of time is guided by linguistic devices employed to mark off one socially conceived unit from another.

T h e endless merging of natural phenomena comes to be subsumed under categories that m a k e the world comprehensible to the individual, and permit the character of reality to be transmitted from one generation to the next, 1 A. Rohrer and M. Sherif, eds. This, however, does not tell the tale of the results of enculturation. This element of affect comes into play whenever cultural change is in process, whether through internal or external innovation, especially where a re-orientation in the system of values of a people is involved.

The operation of these emotional responses can be witnessed in any situation where some sanction of thought or behaviour is challenged. T o analyse them, however, is far more difficult, since the pheno- m e n o n strikes some of the most involved problems in the study of h u m a n psychology. It represents a type of reaction to culturally determined guides to conduct which, institutionalized as social taboos, and internalized as uncon- scious feelings of guilt and compulsion, constitute a powerful mechanism to hold the acts of m e n and w o m e n within culturally sanctioned bounds.

This provides the basis, moreover, for the phenomenon of ethnocentrism, the quality in h u m a n psychology that not only causes the individual to be attached to the cultural modalities of his o w n society, but to accord them a higher value than he concedes to the ways of other peoples. The attitudes engendered by ethnocentrism assume practical importance in a number of dimensions. As a prime psychological process making for ego-involvement, it permits an extension of the ego structure which yields major satisfactions to the individual w h o identifies himself with the achievements of his people.

A n d , since in his thinking, the modes of behaviour and the values to which he has been enculturated are not only the best, but the only proper ways in which the ends of living can be fulfilled, ethnocentrism thus becomes a power- ful force making for individual adjustment and the emergence of a rounded personality.

Where cross-cultural comparison is welded to a structure of power, however, ethnocentrism rationalizes a justification for the imposition of a w a y of life on those whose cultural patterns are oriented in a different fashion. A n d where this occurs, or where peaceful penetration convinces a people that their antecedent customs are of an inferior order, it is an equally powerful instrument in causing individual maladjustment and social dis- organization. The place of this emotional content of the enculturative experience in a theoretical formulation of the problems of economic incentive under conditions of change is underscored by the relation of these emotional drives to the phenomenon of motivation.

This relationship is so close, indeed, that some psychologists find it difficult to disentangle the two. At this point, therefore, w e m a y well turn to the next term in our equation, and examine the place of the factor of motivation in its cultural context as this bears on our problem. It m a y be well, in discussing motivation, to clarify our approach, as was done with the concept of culture.

Controversies of this order mark the approach of scientists in any field to their data, and turn on questions of the highest importance as means by which fundamental research is oriented. For those outside the field, however, the relevance of these differing positions is of a lesser order. Thus , in studying problems of the psychology of culture, it is more important for us to analyse the cultural component in terms which represent agreement as to the nature and function of culture than it is to enter into the peripheral areas where concept and method are under refinement.

Conversely, in studying the same interdisciplinary problems from the psychological point of view, those prin- ciples that represent the core of agreement a m o n g psychologists must not be subordinated to any particular position that has been taken regarding them.

W e have seen that the learning process is fundamental in culture; but in studying the cross-cultural manifestations of education, for example, the varieties of learning theory come to hold a place of secondary importance. O n the other hand, in an investigation of this type, the general principle that social behaviour is essentially learned, while the genetic, instinctual component is minimal, a question where controversy has been resolved into agreed principle, is of primary significance.

Whatever the approach to the problem of motivation, it is agreed that one of its important functions is to aid the organism continuously to reach the adjustment required by the total situation in which it finds itself. In terms of gestalt psychology this represents at any given m o m e n t a striving for the achievement of equilibrium in the total field situation.

There are m a n y theories about its nature and development, one of which, that stresses the factor of need, being strikingly similar to the hypothesis w e have encountered in discussing theories of the nature of culture—one which, it m a y be said, is subject to quite similar reservations.

For our purpose, w e recognize that to the extent motivational drives arise out of the psycho-physical make-up of m a n , they are universal, and can be thus held as constants in analyzing the variables represented by their socially and culturally derived manifestations. T h e physiological universais, that is, enter only in terms of the manner and degree to which the experience of the individual, as expressed in the cultural and physical setting, shapes his choices between alternatives, providing h im with the values which direct his approaches to given situations and guide his reactions to them.

Whatever the approach to the problem of motivation, it is agreed that one of its important functions is to aid the organism in reaching adjustment of the kind which m a y be thought of as the psychological equivalent of the phy- siological state termed homeostasis. In terms of gestalt psychology, this represents the achievement of equilibrium in the total field situation. It is obvious that the needs of the organism figure prominently in determining these reactions, as where the individual is motivated to look for food, or to find shelter from extreme heat or cold, or to seek sexual gratification.

Yet, in the final analysis, there is relatively little of h u m a n behaviour, in the precise terms in which this behaviour is manifested, that can be immediately attributed to this source. Even in such elementary responses as those to food or thirst or sex, the intervening term of social convention always enters. In terms of the bio-psychic requirements of the organism, cultural impera- tives represent derived needs; but the responses to them are none the less powerful because they are derived and not primary.

O n e of the outstanding characteristics of the h u m a n infant is the generalized character of his patterns of behaviour. His motor habits are unco-ordinated, his emotional structure generalized and his motivational system immediately related to drives for the satisfaction of his physiological requirements. Since the infant is entirely dependent on adults to satisfy these requirements, his development in one very significant aspect consists of a series of responses to those with w h o m he is in contact.

W e thus come to that aspect of the process of enculturation called socialization, especially as this occurs in infancy and early childhood. A s w e have seen, socialization provides the mechanisms whereby the infant is integrated into his group, experiencing increasing degrees of control over his modes of behaviour and thought which are taken over first from the members of his immediate family and then, as he grows older, from a widening circle of associates.

As the patterns of motor behaviour and emotional responses become more sharply structured in the growing individual, so does the motivational system. Freud and his followers have demonstrated h o w large a role the motivational forces that determine the behaviour of the individual play in shaping his personality structure. F r o m a developmental point of view, their findings have demonstrated h o w early in his existence the resulting pattern of responses manifest in later life are laid d o w n.

A s one psychologist has phrased it, 'While personal histories differ in details, most of them suggest that a predominant motive is established in childhood, largely through the influence of social contacts. As the individual gets older, one activity after another m a y be taken up while others, which no longer contribute to the satisfaction of the pre- dominant motive, or which contribute less than the n e w activity, are dropped.

Though the problem of the degree to which these fundamental aspects of the h u m a n personality structure are culturally influenced has been studied only for a relatively short time, our growing knowledge of h o w the individual responds to the cultural situation into which he is born has forced acceptance of the principle that culture is a major factor in shaping responses on all levels.

For our purpose, the key in the formulation that has been cited is that the predominant motives which rule the lives of individuals are established 'largely through the influence of social contacts'. Into cross-cultural terms, this brings into play the factor of consensus. For since methods of infant care and child training will, within the limits of individual and regional variation, follow reasonably consistent patterns in achieving the enculturation of the individual, it follows that each m e m b e r of a given society will have been exposed to similar experiences in the early years of his existence, when so m u c h of his personality structure is under formation.

T h e implications of this fact take us over the entire range of problems that are contained in the 1 Norman L. N e w York, , p. These problems, however, despite their importance, have scarcely been more than adumbrated, and because of their complexity face the student with methodological difficulties that are far from resolved and which, therefore, need not enter into this discussion.

W h a t is important is that the c o m m o n elements in the enculturative experience of the members of a given group set up particular drives that characterize the responses of those w h o make up its adult components, as against equally characteristic responses of the members of other groups. It is out of this fact that derived needs, however expressed in a society, come to carry the same conviction to its members as those which are patently determined by biological requirement. This explains in large measure w h y the ends sought by m e n and w o m e n of a particular society are patterned, since from a cross-cultural point of view these are no more than socially sanctioned responses to prevalent motivational drives.

The configuration of c o m m o n motives and goals that dominate the behaviour of the members of a group thus become the equivalent of what, in the analysis of culture, has been termed cultural focus, the s u m of the institutionalized forms of a culture which, in commanding the interests of a people, represents those of its components which most highly motivate the people and in which the goals toward which their activities are directed bring the richest rewards, as cul- turally defined.

A n approach to the problem of motivation that has significant implications for the cross-cultural analysis of problems, such as those with which w e are concerned here, is found in the concept of the 'dynamic system' advanced by Krech1 to account for the continuity of characteristic responses found in the individual.

H e holds, first, that the 'so-called motivational and cognitive attributes will be involved in every one of our experiences and behaviour', and that 'the so-called motivational attributes of any experience will be intimately related to all other attributes and will change as they change'.

Continuing, he states, 'If w e wish to speak of a "hunger motive" for example, w e must simultaneously speak of the so-called perceptual, cognitive, memorial and other attributes of the experience. M y "hunger" is not the same as yours, because m y Dynamic System re food and eating are not the same as yours. A n d neither you nor I can have any "pure" sex motive—they are both sullied by cognitive factors.

It is apparent, that if w e accept this postulate that knowing and wanting form a single psychological unit, and agree that, in cultural terms, both knowledge and wants are established for the individual through his enculturative experience, w e have here a principle of some importance for cross-cultural study. This is especially the case where w e are concerned with economic factors in cultural change, since here both means and ends must be taken into account where either the technological system, or the system of production, distribution and exchange, or both, are involved.

At this point, w e return to the concept of cultural focus, which, as w e have seen, is the 1 David Krech, 'Cognition and Motivation in Psychological Theory', in Current Trends in Psychological Theory, Wayne Dennis et al. From this point of view, the fact that focal concerns of Euro-American society lie in the economic and technological aspects of its cultures, something that is true for only a relatively small number of the societies which it has come to dominate, at once brings us a sharper formulation of the psycho-ethnographic problem w e are considering here.

T h e utility of this approach is underscored, moreover, by the fact that w e are enculturated to total situations, and do not learn our culture piecemeal. Here, on the cultural level, is the equivalent of the psychological unity which Krech formulates in his concept of the dynamic system of response of the individual.

Taken together, w e have a theoretical frame of reference with which to attack a problem whose fundamental importance in achieving the unities of a world economic order has brought questions of this kind to the forefront of scientific concern. O n e of the major aspects of our problem has been phrased by M o o r e : 1 ' W h a t kinds of circumstances will induce workers to leave traditional modes of production and enter modern economic activity, and what additional circumstances are necessary to secure skills and services essential to the industrial m o d e of production with its attendant specialization?

A comprehensive approach must include a consideration of h o w economic expressions of value are re-ordered into terms of money, where money did not previously exist; or to currency where the tokens used in effecting exchange were not pecuniary ones. It should take into account h o w people are introduced to the concept of saving as related to the allocation of income, so as to provide capital funds for industrial development, with future rather than immediate return the end in view.

N e w attitudes towards the acquisition of unfamiliar goods of all kinds must be probed, and h o w patterns of the validation of social position by the consumption of valuable goods in excess of daily needs are changed.

T h e attitudes toward the degree of specialization under industrial development, that so materially alters the satisfactions a worker derives from participation in an industrial order based on the handicraft system, must also be analysed. O n e caution, arising out of the record of past research, should be drawn. This concerns the tendency, undoubtedly a reflection of the unconsciously enculturated ethnocentrisms of the student, to overweight the power of the industrial tradition to impose itself on technological and economic orientations of peoples w h o live under less complex systems.

Where the approach is primarily from the economic or technological point of view, this is understandable in view of the differences in complexity and achievement between the systems of non-industrial peoples and that of Euro-America. This difference is demonstrably so great that, without an appreciation of the power of established tradition to define ends, it appears self-evident that the 'weaker' m o d e of organization must give w a y before more efficient methods of production, with the greater material rewards and higher standards of living that those bring.

W h a t is often not taken into account is the fact that 1 Wilbert E. Certainly it is m u c h simpler to study the acceptance of change than the rejection of n e w ways. O n e of the most difficult problems faced by students of any aspect of cultural change is the methodological one of h o w to bring the pre-established elements in the scene into proper proportion in analyzing the resultant situation. T h e lesson m a y be in the way of being learned in the hard school of experience.

W e need not go to the various large-scale 'schemes' to see this. W e need only take the case of the American Point Four agricultural expert in Liberia w h o , intent on increasing the production of food, encouraged the cultivation of individual plots in place of co-operatively worked village land. The repercussions, in terms of the strife engendered between the w o m e n of a village, were as vigorous as they were unexpected. W e hear m u c h of the disorganization which industrial development produces, and especially h o w those w h o have received European education tend to lose their cultural anchorage and drift at a loss, dissatisfied with the old because they have rejected it, with the n e w because they cannot attain it.

Yet the number of 'educated' Africans is not small w h o would agree with the sentiment expressed by such a person concerning one product of the pre-existing technological system, its wood-carving, Tf w e don't take steps to save these things, w e will have nothing. We'll be like people w h o don't have anything they can call their o w n culture.

Thus, in the regions where a positive appreciation of established custom is found, one also is confronted with the phenomena of urbanization, people leaving their villages to live in towns and accepting the n e w discipline of employment in industry or trade, or going to mine compounds where the reorientations in customary behaviour are even more extensive. N e w prestige patterns develop under these situations that must be studied ; otherwise, for example, w h y in the mines of the Katanga would the young m e n prefer training as mechanics and artisans rather than as masons and carpenters?

O r , for example, h o w do w e explain the reorientation in motivating factors that causes a miner on the R a n d to leave the security of the mine compound for the competitive labour market of secondary industry? Beyond this, what motivations in this segment of the South African economy lie behind the turnover in labour of those w h o have apparently accepted this method of earning a living, a turnover that is one of the highest in the world?

T h e variety of responses to the developing industrial scene, coupled with the differences in the pre-existing cultures and the range of different economic policies and practical measures to implement them to which they are exposed, is what makes of Africa such an excellent laboratory for the study of our problem. In studying it, the factors which are operative in most of the continent give the controls essential for the comparative analysis of attitudes that accompany the changing economic, no less than the changing social and political scene.

W h a t precisely is the effect of the colour-bar in industry, as manifest in unequal wage scales, segregation in jobs, differing approaches to unionization, differentials in housing? W h a t are the relation of these to the 'culture-bar' that arises out of the differences in opportunity to reach those standards of living and education set for persons deemed fully prepared to participate in the direction of affairs?

Mus t w e not also recognize the need to study the prevalent attitudes and motivations of the Europeans in the scene, something that has been quite overlooked in the emphasis laid on the need to concentrate on the position and reactions of the native people?

T h e principal concepts with which w e have dealt are motivation and cultural pattern. Motivation, even on the biological level, w e have seen to be structured by the cultural setting in which behaviour occurs.

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